Unity

Schönhausen Palace

Street running towards the entrance to the castle park. Passers-by are on foot and on bicycles.

Schönhausen Palace, 2022.

People with signs in front of the conference building of Schloss Schönhausen.

Citizens with banners at Schönhausen Palace, January 22, 1990.

SCHÖNHAUSEN PALACE

At the Round Table to Democracy

In autumn of 1989, the SED regime was crumbling but it did not yet collapse. Instead of claiming sole power, the opposition gathered with the old leaders at the Round Table in Schloss Schönhausen. Here, old and new powers negotiated the transition to democracy.

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On one side were suits and ties, on the other bandanas, hand-knitted wool sweaters and full beards. Two worlds collided on the thick carpets of the conference hall of Schönhausen Palace at the end of 1989. The state party SED, which has so far ruled without restrictions, and the previously subordinated block parties entered conversations with new political groups.

The civil rights group New Forum and the GDR’s SPD had been established in September and October 1989, when ever larger protests had questioned the power of the SED. The opponents of the regime now dared to appear in public and to organise themselves. On November 9, 1989, the Wall finally fell. The GDR now lost people at an even greater pace, and the state party lost a majority of its members. But the secret police, the Stasi, which monitored the people in the GDR, still operated. The government continued to be headed by a representative of the SED. The regime was damaged but not yet defeated. How were things supposed to continue?

The protests brought the opposition groups a lot of attention. They encouraged sitting down with the old leaders at so-called Round Tables all across the country. Joint agreements and decisions should prevent violence and prepare for democratic elections. Of particular importance was the central Round Table in East Berlin which claimed to control the GDR government. 17 representatives each of the opposition and the government parties convened on December 7, 1989, initially in the church hall of the Bonhoeffer-Haus in Berlin-Mitte, where three pastors moderated the discussions. Later the committee moved to Schloss Schönhausen in Berlin-Pankow, which provided more room for the many advisors and journalists. Television and radio stations in the GDR broadcast the Round Table discussions live. "Everything was public. And that was a new experience!" a participant recalled.

In this unclear situation, the Round Table could only recommend, not decide. In addition, it was supposed to control a government that did not want to be controlled. Then, in January of 1990, many thousands demanded the immediate dissolution of the secret police. The Round Table demanded the same, but the government delayed the implementation and tried to keep the new forces out of power. Under the pressure of the protests, however, it finally gave in reluctantly. Representatives of the opposition joined the government as ministers without portfolio, and the election planned in May was brought forward to March 18, 1990. The participant Matthias Platzeck, at the time member of the Green League: "To me, the Round Table was an instrument to do what was possible, to at least bundle a change that actually cannot not be shaped at all and to continuously say 'please do this without violence'".

With the first free and secret election of a new GDR parliament the transition to democracy was finally achieved, and the work of the Round Table ended. The election results showed a clear majority for the proponents of a quick German reunification. October 3, 1990, became the Day of German Unity.

SCHÖNHAUSEN PALACE

Contemporary Witnesses Report

The future of the GDR was discussed at the Round Table. It was here that the citizens' movement met the old leaders of the GDR. Former activists from the opposition groups talk about successes and failures of these discussions. 
 

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Intro
Ulrike Poppe observes a power imbalance at the Round Table.
Wolfgang Templin feels that the negotiations were a failure.
Matthias Platzeck speaks about the function of the Round Table.
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Schönhausen Palace

What could a democratic GDR look like? This was discussed in 1989/90 at the Central Round Table. Members of the citizens’ movements negotiated the future with GDR politicians. The participants thought differently about the success or failure of the talks.

CONTEMPORARY WITNESS

Ulrike Poppe

Ulrike Poppe, civil rights activist of the movement Democracy now, saw a significant power imbalance between participants from citizens’ movements and government representatives. 

"We were relatively inexperienced. We gained some experience in the opposition, but it is something entirely different to make responsible decisions. And now there was this imbalance. The parties’ representatives had their offices, apparatuses, had their advisors behind them. At the same time, we were still sitting in our kitchens, tearing our hair out, and we were indeed pretty overwhelmed. On the other hand, we knew what we wanted. The free elections were of course the centre of interest."

CONTEMPORARY WITNESS

Wolfgang Templin

Wolfgang Templin was one of the founders of the Initiative for Peace and Human Rights and represented this group at the Round Table. His assessment of the negotiations is a negative one.  

"My feeling, which began back then and has become much stronger over time, is: they really took advantage of us at the Round Table. I would indeed say that. We were not able to push through a lot of things. The opposition could not be stronger, bigger, more important than it was. But it had enough leverage and had enough publicity and authority to perhaps also reduce some of the imbalances that later almost made us insignificant."

CONTEMPORARY WITNESS

Matthias Platzeck

Matthias Platzeck, later SPD politician and prime minister of Brandenburg, represented the newly founded ecological network Green League at the Round Table.  

"If the Round Table had one major advantage, it was that all relevant groups had their say, the old and the new. After all, it was important to keep contact with the old leaders and not to swing the axe and say: We are not going to talk to you anymore. They still had the barracks. They had the people in the barracks. One had to take all of this into account. Therefore, it is an interim instrument, a good one. It was also a very consensus-oriented group, which is important for such a phase. It is then, of course, not an instrument for a functioning community because it is relatively free of decision-making."

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SCHÖNHAUSEN PALACE

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